The Power Threat Meaning Framework

According to the British Psychological Society (n.d.) the Power Threat Meaning Framework applies to everyone. This framework was initially created as an alternative to more traditional psychiatric nomenclatures. This model is trauma-informed and it is utilised by high profile hospitals such as Rampton Hospital (Willmot and Siddall, 2022). 

The framework consists in asking four initial questions, which answers can then be re-used to answer the two final questions. Willmot and Siddall (2022, pp. 32-33) state that the framework can also be ‘applied to understanding the needs of people who offend or behave in challenging ways’.  The framework makes some assumptions about trauma:

  • Mental illness and behavioural problems can be understood by analysing the role of power abuse. 
  • Abuses of power can impact negatively on people and can restrict them to the point where individuals might not be able to meet their most basic needs. 
  • Much of what we know as psychopathology can also be understood as learned responses people have developed to adapt or survive to adverse circumstances.  

Power 

The framework looks into the negative operation of power in a holistic way based on a person’s narrative. It is recognised that power can be biological/embodied, coercive, economic, social, cultural, and interpersonal. It also recognises that much of this reality is configured to privilege ‘white, male,  heterosexual, wealthy, educated, and mentally healthy people’ (Willmot and Siddall, 2022, pp. 32-33). 

Threat

Threat within the scope of this framework refers to the risks related to abuses of power which can prevent a person from meeting their core needs. There are several types of threats such as physical, economic,  health, social, emotional, quality of life, disability, or deprivation threats. These threatening events or potentials can lead to relational dysfunctions, disrupted attachments, abandonment fears; feelings of betrayal, shame, guilt, insecurity, and entrapment. 

Meaning

The framework is also person-centred, and recognises that every individual is unique. This leads to the assumption that people interpret events and give meaning to these events in unique ways. For instance, male and women due to societal stereotypes might have different expectations for behaviour. Different cultures give different meaning to different events, for instance, some cultures would engage in honour-abuse of girls who have been sexually assaulted. Therefore, the social, environmental, and political contexts all influence meaning. 

Framework

The framework posits that much of what we know as psychopathology are responses people develop to perceived threats in order to cope and/or survive (Willmot and Siddall, 2022). Ultimately, people at times develop specific habits, behaviours, or personality patterns as a result of their unmet needs. Hence, this framework seeks to ask some questions which answers can elucidate the unique perspective of the individual, potential power abuse triggers, as well as unique needs that must be met. These are the questions:

  • What has happened to you? (i.e. How is power operating in your life?)
  • How did it affect you? (i.e. What kind of threats did this pose?)
  • What sense did you make of it? (i.e. What is the meaning of these situations and experiences to you?)
  • What did you have to do to survive? (i.e. What kind of threat responses are you using?)
  • What are your strengths? (i.e. What access to power resources do you have?)
  • What is your story? (i.e. Pulling of these reflections together)

These questions allow for the understanding of how a person has experienced abuses of power, the threats that resulted from such dynamics, the unique meaning a person gave to these events, and the specific threat responses that were developed as a result, as well as the strengths. Having this information in place, proactive support plans can be formulated ensuring that all interventions are  trauma-informed, and person-centred. 

References

British Psychological Society (n.d.) ‘Power Threat Meaning Framework’ [Online]. Available at https://www.bps.org.uk/power-threat-meaning-framework (accessed 29 April 2022). 

Willmot, P. and Siddall, Y. (2022) ‘Trauma, Violence, and Gender’, in Willmot, P. and Jones, L. (eds) Trauma-Informed Forensic Practice, London, Routledge, pp. 32-48 [Online]. Available at https://www.routledge.com/Trauma-Informed-Forensic-Practice/Willmot-Jones/p/book/9780367626914 (accessed 29 April 2022). 

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Human Rights Fascism for Victims of Domestic Abuse in Canada

Victims are being thrown into jail for disclosing their experiences of domestic abuse. 

I recently had a deep conversation with a dear friend from Canada, whose name I will keep confidential. We were talking about narcissistic relationships and narcissistic abuse. I explained to her the status of domestic abuse in the UK, where previous to 2021 before the Domestic Abuse Act 2021 was passed, most domestic abusers got away with their crimes. I was curious to understand what the situation in Canada is about domestic abuse. The Canadian Women Foundation (2021) posits that every six days, a woman is killed in Canada as a result of domestic violence.

I was horrified to find out that the government is currently arresting both perpetrators and victims of domestic abuse simultaneously. What this means is that when a victim of domestic abuse calls the police for help in Canada, the victim is also placed in jail and if they have children, they are automatically placed in foster care. I was shocked, I could not believe the level of fascism that is taking place in Canada. My first thought was ‘how is the Canadian government getting away with these human rights violations’? As a founding member of the United Nations charter, Canada has international commitments to maintain peace and security. 

My friend disclosed to me that a few years ago she had been arrested and placed in jail for three days for calling the police about domestic abuse and to report her perpetrator. It seemed, the police could not make up their minds about how to tackle domestic abuse, so they decided to give equal punishment to both the victim and the perpetrator. This is unacceptable, since there exist international conventions which place a duty on the Canadian government to protect victims. However, what they are doing instead is victimising those who have been abused. 

I decided to conduct a little research about it, and found that many women are going through this in Canada, not just my friend. For instance, the Ending Violence Association of British Columbia (EVA BC; 2022a) deals with cases of domestic abuse and coordinates interventions to help victims. They have a Community Coordination for Women’s Safety (CCWS) program which formulates and implements strategies to support victims of domestic abuse (EVA BC; 2022b). The CCWS (2010) wrote a report which corroborated my friend’s story. The report  (p. 2) states: 

‘In  recent  years,  CCWS  and  EVA  BC  have  received  numerous  reports  from communities  of cases involving  the arrest of both parties  in relationship  violence situations. These communities have contacted us to express their concern. They report that women are being arrested even when there is evidence of a history of violence  by  their  male  partners’

Furthermore, they explain the impact that such situation has, such as: 

  • Less prosecution for these cases. 
  • More liability for police services. 
  • Empowerment of the perpetrator to continue the abuse. 
  • Victimisation of victims. 
  • Increased potential for homicide. 
  • Decreased likelihood that victims will disclose or seek help. 
  • Thwarted access to justice for victims. 
  • Thwarted attempts to access support for victims. 

Similarly, the Woman Abuse Council of Toronto (2005) published a report where they highlight the problematic situation of victims of domestic abuse being charged with domestic violence whilst living with abusive men. They made several recommendations which included: 

  • To take into consideration that women’s use of force is not the same as men’s (often, violence arising from women was  self-defence). 
  • That when it comes to arrests, the dominant aggressor should be identified in a relationship where domestic abuse has taken place. 
  • That there need to be mechanisms in place to ensure that victims are able to access support services and victim services, which are thwarted by criminalising the victim. 
  • That more legal aid should be available to women. 

Finally, and more recently Grace (2019) reported around the same problematic, persistent, and pervasive issues related to the inappropriate arrests of women in domestic abuse cases. The article explains that whilst the police has a duty to identify the dominant aggressor in a relationship, women continue to be inappropriately arrested in situations of intimate partner violence. She states: ‘Women experience these failures by police as betrayal. Some even feel the police become complicit to their on-going abuse. As a result, women who have been inappropriately charged in situations of intimate partner violence say they would be unwilling to turn to the police for protection in the future, even if they are again victims of violence’. Furthermore, she provides 18 case studies and accounts of this situation. 

As it can be seen in this post, the situation of domestic abuse in Canada is a mess. My friend was one of those people who were inappropriately arrested, and who now feels that no one can protect her from domestic violence, because the police themselves are being abusive of their power. This type of human rights violation should not happen in theory, but in practice, as it has been demonstrated, injustice is an everyday experience for many women in Canada. This situation has been going on for a long time, and despite recommendations and updates to policies, it continues to affect victims and to silence their voices through state-sponsored fascism. 

References

Canadian Women Foundation  (2021) ‘The facts about gender-based violence’, 29 October [Online]. Available at https://canadianwomen.org/the-facts/gender-based-violence/ (accessed 21 April 2022). 

Community Coordination for Women’s Safety (2010) ‘Women Being Arrested’, Ending Violence Association of British Columbia, June [Online]. Available at http://endingviolence.org/files/uploads/eing_Arrested_Backgrounder_Revised_June_2010_0.pdf (accessed 21 April 2022). 

Ending Violence Association of British Columbia (2022) ‘About us’ [Online]. Available at https://endingviolence.org/about-us/ (accessed 21 April 2022). 

Ending Violence Association of British Columbia (2022) ‘Community Coordination for Women’s Safety (CCWS)’ [Online]. Available at https://endingviolence.org/prevention-programs/ccws-program (accessed 21 April 2022). 

Grace, A. (2019) ‘“They Just Don’t Care”: Women Charged with Domestic Violence in Ottawa’, Manitoba Law Journal 153 [Online]. Available at https://www.canlii.org/en/commentary/doc/2019CanLIIDocs2790 (accessed 21 April 2022). 

Woman Abuse Council of Toronto (2005) ‘Women Charged with Domestic Violence in Toronto: The Unintended Consequences of Mandatory Charge Policies’, March  [Online]. Available at http://www.oaith.ca/assets/files/Publications/womenchargedfinal.pdf (accessed 21 April 2022). 


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Why People Do Not Report Domestic Abuse

There are many barriers to disclosure of domestic abuse. One reason why many individuals stay in abusive relationships and/or do not report domestic is because of their own subjective feelings such as fear of consequences if they leave the relationship (e.g. dependencies), grief which manifests as feelings loss for the relationship they wanted and/or thought they had, denial of what is actually happening to them, self-blame for the abuse they are receiving (perpetrators tend to blame the victim), shame about what others might think if they found out about the individual’s situation, and guilt over their inability to prevent or stop the abuse, as well as of others witnessing the abuse (e.g. children). Furthermore, another reason why individuals do not report domestic abuse, is that they feel that the local authorities will not take them seriously (many women do report it and perpetrators still get away with their crimes), so they experience subjective feelings of hopelessness that ‘nothing would get done anyway’. 

Another reason why people do not report domestic abuse is due to societal perceptions. The way society is known to perceive and deal with victims is awful. Individuals can experience fears that no one will believe them, or that there will be impunity. They might have no faith in justice due to personal experiences, or/and exposure to high profile cases where victims were torn apart either by the criminal justice process or by the media and tabloids. Furthermore, societal perceptions of gender mean that men will feel ashamed to disclose their experiences. Similarly, homophobic perceptions lead to LGBTQ+ individuals hiding their experiences due to their private sexual orientation. And, cultural perceptions can lead to all sorts of subjective reluctance to report domestic abuse, as individuals might be afraid of repercussions, embarrassment, or honour-based abuse. 

Apart from all of the above, there are several identifiable factors that affect the disclosure of domestic abuse. These are: 

Stereotypes

These are generalised subjective beliefs that individuals have about the world, which influence how they perceive others. Because there are so many misconceptions and false stereotypes of victims of domestic abuse, such as that they are weak, poor, and submissive women without education and living in social housing; many people might be unable to relate to this, and therefore they might find it more difficult to identify their experiences as a domestic abuse; or they might feel that no one will believe them because they do not fit the stereotype. Furthermore, since there is so much stigma associated with these misconceived stereotypes, individuals might not want to be perceived in such a way, and so might not disclose their experiences. Finally, those who do relate to the stereotype might feel that it is normal because of their circumstances to report the abuse, and might feel hesitant to disclose due to how they believe they are perceived. All these misconceptions can lead to victims isolating, and losing hope.  

Labelling

Because of the stigma associated with the word ‘victim’ (i.e. stereotypes), individuals do not want the label ‘victim’ added to their subjective identity, even if indeed they are victims. They might subsequently fear other associative labels such as ‘weak’, ‘stupid’, ‘dramatic’, ‘crazy’ or ‘bad mother’. 

Stigma

Many victims are aware of the stigma, and feelings of shame come with this. They might rather stay in that relationship than risk becoming stigmatised (e.g. men might feel that people will make fun of their masculinity for speaking up). 

Discrimination

Victims might fear that due to the current awful status of justice in our society, they will be discriminated against if they disclose their experiences of domestic abuse. They might also fear that others will attribute negative and unfair stereotypes to them, or fear that they will be excluded or marginalised as a result of their seeking support from their social network and/or community. 

Victim Blaming

Finally, because of the toll that domestic abuse has on victims, individuals experience subjective feelings of self-blame. They might already have been constantly blamed by their perpetrators and might fear that other people will also blame her.  Moreover, some cultural traditions do blame women for making decisions such as leaving an abusive relationship, and so victims might genuinely get blamed by relatives or their community if they disclose their ordeal, making it less likely that they will seek support (honour-based abuse). 

In conclusion, there are many reasons why people do not report domestic abuse, and many factors which prevent victims from disclosing their ordeals. Stereotypes and the stigma created by these is a major theme when it comes to lack of disclosure. The system at times fails victims, and the dark figure of crime is ever present.

Photo by Lucxama Sylvain from Pexels

Categories
Forensic Psychology Journalism

Understanding Domestic Abuse in England

Every person’s perception of what constitutes abuse is different. Some victims stay and accept their predilection, whilst others fight and/or leave. Some victims succeed in leaving, whilst others are killed in the process. Domestic abuse has statutory definitions that give an objective scope which applies to everyone in the jurisdiction, whether they have insight into their realities or not. According to the Crown Prosecution Service (n.d.), domestic abuse can be defined as ‘any incident of controlling, coercive or threatening behaviour, violence or abuse between those aged 16 or over who are or have been intimate partners or family members, regardless of their gender or sexuality’. This short definition has it within its scope that domestic abuse is something that happens in everyday life. 

Domestic abuse does not always entail physical violence. Psychological abuse has been hypernormalised in our societies, and every day forms of sadism are quite common and ingrained in policies and procedures. Furthermore, domestic abuse is relevant to the police, and thinking that it should stay behind closed doors is another misconception. Domestic abuse happens all the time, everywhere, and thinking that it is rare is another misconception. Domestic abuse is not always a crime of passion, and sometimes it is slow, prolonged and premeditated. Thinking that domestic abuse is always a loss of control is a misconception. Disagreements are not equivalent to abuse. Whilst disagreements are normal, abuse is not normal. Moreover, thinking that domestic abuse is only perpetuated by strangers is another major misconception. Finally, domestic abuse happens to all groups and classes of society. Assuming that it only happens to poor people is another misconception. 

Globally, the United Nations (n.d) defined domestic abuse as ‘a pattern of behaviour in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over an intimate partner. Abuse is physical, sexual, emotional, economic or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behaviors that frighten, intimidate, terrorize, manipulate, hurt, humiliate, blame, injure, or wound someone. Domestic abuse can happen to anyone of any race, age, sexual orientation, religion, or gender. It can occur within a range of relationships including couples who are married, living together or dating. Domestic violence affects people of all socioeconomic backgrounds and education levels’. Based on this definition, it can be said that domestic abuse is a form of sadism, as the latter is all about the subjugation of the victim. 

Locally, the Devon & Cornwall Police (2020) define domestic abuse as ‘the misuse of power and control by one person over another. This controlling behaviour may be exerted in various ways, such as through physical violence, emotional and/or psychological manipulation, forcing sexual acts or taking over your finances. It can begin at any time, can be obvious or subtle and can happen suddenly or gradually. It can happen to anyone regardless of class, age, race, religion, culture, disability, sexual orientation or lifestyle’. Based on this definition, it can be said that those who engage in domestic abuse are also engaging in sadistic behaviour

There are some misconceptions about victims of domestic abuse, such as believing that the victim wants to be abused because they are not able to leave the relationship, that the victim should leave the relationship if they want help from statutory services, that the victim is at fault for the criminogenic behaviours of their abuser, that only women are victims of domestic abuse, that women lie about their abuse, that some people/women are attracted to abusive people/men, and that some people like the violence in their relationship (e.g. rough sex defence). For instance, the Home Office (2022) published a policy paper explicitly stating that ‘consent to serious harm for sexual gratification’ is not a defence. Justice Minister Alex Chalk is cited saying ‘No death or other serious injury – whatever the circumstances – should be defended as ‘rough sex gone wrong’ which is why we are making it absolutely clear that this is never acceptable. Perpetrators of these crimes should be under no illusions – their actions will never be justifiable in any way, and they will be pursued rigorously through the courts to seek justice for victims and their families’. This means that even if a person consents to rough sex, if their partner abuses them to the point actual bodily harm (ABH), then this is by law a crime. This will give women more clarity on what constitutes appropriate touch, sex, and when to identify abuse and report abuse. Furthemrore, Keir Starmer (2013) published an article on The Guardian stating that false allegations of rape and domestic violence were rare. This shows the importance of taking all allegations seriously. 

What’s more, there are also misconceptions about the perpetrator such as believing that alcohol and drugs excuse such behaviours, that their abusive childhoods justify their behaviours, that mental health problems excuse domestic abuse, that they only attack because they are stressed out, that it is only a loss of temper on the abuser’s part, that just because they engage in domestic abuse does not mean they are bad parents (such as a father who abuses a mother and a child witnesses it), and that all abusers are men. 

The National Office for Statistics (ONS; 2021a) reported in November that domestic abuse as recorded by the police in England and Wales rose by 6%. There were 845, 734 events. There were 33 arrests per 100 cases. Yet, even though these rates increased, referrals to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) decreased by 3%. Furthermore, convictions decreased by 70%. This shocking evidence proves that even though the problem is increasing, the UK state apparatus is dealing less and less with the problem. The ONS (2021b) reports that 37.7% of offences were of violence against the person, and 18.8% of offences were of sexual nature. 72.3% of victims of violence were female whilst 27.7% were male, and 93.4% of victims of sexual offences were female, whilst only 6.6% were male. This shows that the issue of violence against women in England and Wales is far from being resolved. 

Moreover, moving more locally, the ONS (2021b) reports that there were 20,905 crimes of domestic abuse reported to the Devon & Cornwall police in the year ending 2021. This accounted for a 23.1% of total recorded crime. This saw a significant longitudinal increase in domestic abuse related crime from previous years. It went from 13.8% in the year ending in 2016 to 23.1% in 2021, increasing by over 9% in the past 5 years. There were 16, 464 offences of violence against the person, accounting for 41.1% of domestic abuse related crimes. This also saw a significant increase in the past few years. 

There are four aspects that influence perceptions of domestic abuse: (1) the media, which often distorts information by not always identifying incidents of domestic abuse, sensationalising the reality of more subtle abuse and only focusing on more violent crime. Furthermore, the media also downplays the role of the perpetrator and sometimes attributes responsibility to the victim suggesting that the perpetrator was triggered. Moreover, because we live in a patriarchal world, the media sometimes covers more stories of violence against men, even though violence against women is most common. Finally, the media also sensationalises class, making it look like domestic abuse only happens in poor families; (2) religion, which has sets of dysfunctional beliefs which reinforce abusive practice such as the idea that honour-based abuse or forced marriage is acceptable, that women are inferior and should be submissive to men, that men as family heads should take disciplinary action at home against the rest of the family, that divorce is wrong, and that homosexuality is a sin; (3) culture, which has social norms that directly impact on perceptions of domestic abuse such as the ideas that men should assert power over women because they are ‘superior’, that the restriction of women’s movements/activities is acceptable, that women should accept physical violence as a method for conflict resolution, that women are responsible for the marriage working, that domestic abuse should never be spoken about (i.e. making it a taboo topic), that anyone who wants divorce should be ashamed of themselves, that brides should be bought and exchanged as if they were cattle (e.g. Iraq), that honour is dependent on female sexual behaviour, and that traditions such as forced marriage and female genital mutilation are normal; and (4) personal experience which influences perceptions of relationships, especially when people have lived experience in domestic abuse. Depending on their level of insight, some may fully reject abusive behaviour whilst others might accept it as a normal part of life.

Did you know…

The Matrimonial Causes Act (1978) made it possible for women to be legally separated from their abusive husbands, and the Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act (1976) enabled women to apply for court orders against their abusive husbands. In 1985, there were laws against female genital mutilation. In 1994 rape became illegal within a marriage, and in 2004 common assault became an arrestable offence. Police stations created dedicated Domestic Violence Units with specialist staff in the late 80s and early 90s. Moreover, the Protection from Harassment Act (1997) implemented measures against stalking and threats of violence, and the Domestic Violence, Crime, and Victims Act (2004) made stricter sentences so couples of the same sex could also apply for injunctions. In 2002, children were allowed to be removed from the home if they were witnesses of domestic abuse. In 2014, Clare’s law (named after Clare Wood) allowed the police to give details to potential victims of their partner’s abusive history in order to prevent abuse. In 2015 coercive control and revenge porn became illegal, and finally, the Domestic Abuse Act (2021) created a statutory definition of domestic abuse.  

References

Crown Prosecution Service (n.d.) ‘Foreword From Kate Brown, CPS Lead for Domestic Abuse’, Domestic Abuse [Online]. Available at https://www.cps.gov.uk/crime-info/domestic-abuse (accessed 7th February 2022). 

Devon & Cornwall Police (2020) ‘What is domestic abuse?’, 2nd October [Online]. Available at https://www.devon-cornwall.police.uk/advice/threat-assault-abuse/domestic-abuse/what-is-domestic-abuse/ (accessed 7th February 2022). 

Home Office (2022) ‘Consent to serious harm for sexual gratification not a defence’, GOV.UK, 31 January [Online]. Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/domestic-abuse-bill-2020-factsheets/consent-to-serious-harm-for-sexual-gratification-not-a-defence (accessed 12 February 2022). 

Office for National Statistics (2021a) ‘Domestic abuse in England and Wales Overview: November 2021’, 24 November [Online]. Available at https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/bulletins/domesticabuseinenglandandwalesoverview/november2021 (accessed 12th February 2022). 

Office for National Statistics (2021b) ‘Domestic abuse prevalence and victim characteristics’, 24 November [Online]. Available at https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/datasets/domesticabuseprevalenceandvictimcharacteristicsappendixtables (accessed 12 February 2022). 

Starmer (2013) ‘False allegations of rape and domestic violence are few and far between’, The Guardian, 13 March [Online]. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/mar/13/false-allegations-rape-domestic-violence-rare (accessed 12 Feberuary 2022). 

United Nations (n.d.) ‘What is Domestic Abuse’ [Online]. Available at https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/what-is-domestic-abuse (accessed 7th February 2022). 

Categories
Journalism

Women Who Are Mad

De facto and de jure social injustices are an expression of the id quo. These impulses have a detrimental effect on women’s daily lives, making it a lot more difficult for them to enjoy their human rights. This document has shared data particles of knowledge about current injustices occurring to ‘mad’ and ‘intersectional’ women in the UK, the psychological impact of these injustices (e.g. Borderline Personality Disorder), and the legal framework of international law, which the UK is subject to. De jure and de facto injustices exacerbate mental health problems, and lead to the introjection of maladaptive behaviours, and can corrupt the individual superego. Furthermore, UN Women (2016) recommends that  all countries take on board the Istanbul Convention, and the UK is a country member of the UN Security Council. The UK’s Domestic Abuse Act 2021 does not fully cover all the criteria necessary for the prevention and protection of women’s rights, as well as the prosecution of perpetrators of violence against women. Similarly, the Equality Act 2010 only protects some of the many characteristics that elicit discrimination against human beings, and the word ‘dignity’ does not appear once in the Human Rights Act 1998. This seemingly innocuous semantic exception is a malpraxis. All these technical legislative failures lead to very costly consequences for the least advantaged in the status quo. The facts and figures have shown that women in the mental health sector are the most affected group, out of which patients with BPD tend to struggle the most with daily attitudinal obstacles, intersectional discrimination, and de facto impediments.

Categories
Opinion

Authoritarianism in Mental Health Settings

When I began this journey in Forensic Psychology, I did not expect to learn as much as I have. The main tenet of this career consists in understanding psychopathy, and psychopathology.

It does make me question authoritarianism and the ways in which it can manifest. For instance, Milgram and Adorno et al. studied the psychology of obedience under pressure, and how following orders led to the holocaust. An aspect that has been questioned little is how scarcity or the fear of scarcity has led to similar phenomena due to how people have been conditioned to see money as an enabler of everyday behaviour. For instance, when Milgram conducted his obedience experiments during the 60s, he monetarily rewarded his participants for taking part in the studies. Modern psychologists have attempted to re-examine the dynamics at Yale’s laboratory and what might have led the participants to show that they were capable of being sadistic under such conditions. An example is Gibson’s (2013) work which meticulously examines the prods given by the experimenter. In a way, Gibson seeked to understand how the orders and requests given by the authority figure contributed to the decision-making processes of the participants. However, I have not come across much research highlighting the role of the monetary incentive in everyday behaviour; or how being given a monetary incentive places a subconscious obligation on individuals to comply with requests, even if such requests at times make them feel uncomfortable.

The c/s/x movement, also known as ‘the psychiatric survivors movement‘ (Wikipedia, n.d.) explores how a large number of individuals report feeling or having felt dehumanised by the mental health system. For the unstigmatised person, it is often more common to assume that all these people expressing dissatisfaction with the system are crazy, than to understand the nature of what it means to respect a person’s dignity and human rights. It is quite a complex situation, because it is unclear what reinforces and keeps some mental health settings from actively listening to their patients’ concerns.

According to Turner (2015), signal detection theory (SDT) “describes processes whereby information that is important to the perceiver (known as the ‘signal’) is distinguished from other information that is unimportant and potentially distracting (known as the ‘noise’)”. It is my hypothesis that some of the inherently dehumanising behaviours occurring in the mental health system happen as a result of the hyper-normalisation of object-relations with patients. As I mentioned on my post Investigating the neuropsychopathology of prejudice‘, people can at times perceive those with stereotyped and stigmatised characteristics as non-human objects. This would of course increase the chance of mental health settings staff processing signals coming from clients as background noise, rather than as worth-listening-to human signals. Such established conscious and unconscious behaviours leading to the dehumanisation of many clients are reinforced through monetary incentives, and through an intragroup, mob-like co-validation of such unconscious biases. Like Eichmann, many live their lives constantly affirming to themselves that they were just following procedures and orders, or just doing their job; and therefore they believe it is not their responsibility to reflect on how clients are impacted by this. But the signals coming from mental health patients often stand in stark contrast to the common belief that these dehumanising, and at times non-empathic methods are appropriate, or even de facto acceptable.

I do think everyone deserves to be paid for their labour, and that having access to a basic form of income is an important foundation in any society; and I also think that mental health settings need to be encouraged or trained appropriately to detect clients’ signals as more than just background noise (i.e. as more than non-human objects signals) in order to reduce risk outcomes. The situation is problematic, persistent, and pervasive with these manifestations of authoritarianism in mental health settings. It would indeed be arrogant to assume that all the patients/clients expressing dissatisfaction with the service are wrong, or to culturally pathologise reasonable dissent. It would also be irresponsible and de jure unacceptable to fail to take steps towards alleviating feelings of ‘being dehumanised’ in civil society, especially if such feelings of dehumanisation have the potential to lead to never events, such as suicide.

References

Gibson, S. (2013) ‘Milgram’s obedience experiments: A rhetorical analysis’, British Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 52, York, The British Psychological Society/York University, pp. 290-309 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A332152211 (accessed 11 October 2020).

Turner, J. (2015) ‘Making sense of the world’, in Turner, J. and Barker, M. J. (eds) Living Psychology: From the Everyday to the Extraordinary, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 7-45.

Wikipedia (n.d.) ‘Psychiatric survivors movement’ [Online]. Available at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psychiatric_survivors_movement (accessed 11 October 2020).

Categories
Opinion Tips

Blogging as a Method for Democratic Therapy

Blogs are a great way to express your voice. Even if your experiences have made you feel silent, oppressed, and unfairly treated at an intergroup relational context; you can still assert your thoughts, feelings and opinions in the online community. This way, blogging can be a method for cognitive-emotional democratic healing at both individual and collective levels.

Why is expressing your voice important?

Actions and reactions happen at inter and intra group levels for many reasons. Sometimes communicating our perspective helps elucidate a particular situation. So for instance, if you feel that some members of your social milieu have displayed hostility towards you as a result of the hostility that they themselves have been subjected to, you might be correct in assuming that such a hostility might have become hypernormalised at the group’s cultural level, and that such members are experiencing reactive-formative symptoms of trauma. For the minority individual, the experience of being let down, or rejected by a group, culture, system, or apparatus can be debilitating (i.e. it can feel like mob behaviour), and when this happens for a prolonged period of time; it can create feelings of marginalised frustration. Blogging is a good way to use your freedom of speech in a way that directly addresses the public audience, whilst simultaneously being an interpersonal method for expression.

The risk is to stay silent.

Setting up a blog

There are different ways in which you can begin your blog. The most common problem I hear when I speak with people about blogging is ‘I do not not what to say. I would not know where to start’. My answer is that such is precisely the way to start a blog. You do not need to know what to write about in order to express that you do not know what to write about. Sometimes it could be sharing your professional work. Other times it could just be about sharing an experience you went through. I tend to shift between these modes. Most of the time, I share some of my thoughts, feelings, and add something interesting that I have been researching about. Regardless of what your needs for expression are, blogging is an effective method for online communication and an interdisciplinary style for socialisation. But, what blog to use?

Choosing a blogging platform

Different people will prefer different types of blogs for their journalism depending on how much time or effort they wish to invest in the endeavour. Here are a few options:

  • Blogger: A very simple and generic user experience design for expressing thoughts. It has an archive of dates which store your thoughts across time. The interface is easy to learn, and it is free of charge. It is ideal for those only getting started in cybercultural activities.
  • Google Sites: This platform truly is flexible in terms of allowing the user to experience freedom in how to structure their pages. It is useful for creative projects and for getting started with digital design. It lacks an automatic blogging archive, so if what you are looking for is a place to log your thoughts, Blogger is a better option. All you need is a Google account.
  • WordPress: This blog (as you can see at the bottom of the page) is powered by WordPress. The reason why I personally prefer this platform is because it gives me a wide margin of flexibility when it comes to design, as well as simultaneously having an archive for blog posts which permits organization.
  • Medium: For those who do not wish to either hassle neither with the design nor with the other technicalities, Medium allows people to register and write. It is a community project, meaning that people from all walks of life contribute to the discussion.

Investigating the Neuropsychopathology of Tyranny

Lately I have slept better. Taking Zopiclone has helped me sleep through any kind of disturbance. Consequently, my mental health feels more in balance, and I have been able to once again concentrate on my research. I still feel a deep sense of injustice, but the things I research about give me hope for a better future.

As usual, I have been studying a lot. The books I am currently reading are really interesting. One of the chapters I am currently working on (Dixon, 2015) for university speaks about the neuropsychopathology of social cognition, and how prejudice can result from an institutionalised (i.e. culturally conditioned) context, becoming predetermined emotional responses. One of the excerpts that has mostly sounded relevant to my independent research on cultural narcissism is the following:

‘In a series of studies, using similar kinds of photographic stimuli and fMRI technology, Harris and Fiske (e.g. 2006) found that certain social groups do not produce the neurological signature of person perception. Instead, these groups are processed mainly by areas of the brain more associated with the perception of non-human objects; i.e. they are literally treated, neurologically, as though they were not, fully, fellow human beings. This reaction is worrying because the ‘dehumanisation’ of others has been associated with extreme expressions of prejudice (e.g. the willingness to torture, rape or murder other people)’ .

John Dixon (2015, p. 150)

Now, this object-relational evidence of prejudice and how it leads to the neurologically-based, inherent dehumanisation of those who are considered as out-groups (e.g. Here in the UK, those who are protected by the Equality Act 2010) is consistent with the narcissistic approach to relationships. The idea that simply categorising an individual as an outgroup is enough to attribute characteristics to them that are not humane is truly concerning. Now, combining this with the corporate-narcissistic agenda is essential for social change. It links up to the book I am currently reading about corporate psychopathy:

“While individual lapses in judgement may garner attention in many cases, the ability of psychopaths to cover or explain away their individual decisions makes evidence of these lapses difficult to obtain. Rather, it is the long-term impact of their behaviours in a variety of situations and their dealings with a variety of people that shed more light on who they really are”.

Robert Hare and Paul Babiak (2006, p. 248).

Based on the above, I begin wondering just how deep the neuropsychopathology of tyranny is. That is, what are the common excuses the general corporate narcissist uses to justify violations of human rights? Has the corporate narcissist been made through institutionalised behavioural conditioning which is partially reinforced by unconscious dogmatic-authoritarian beliefs? I suppose this is where forensic psychology as a science collaborates with occupational psychology, social psychology, and educational psychology to uncover these answers.

References

Dixon, J. (2015) ‘Why don’t we like one another? The psychology of prejudice and intergroup relations’, in Capdevila, R., Dixon, J., and Briggs, G. (eds) Investigating Psychology 2: From Social to Cognitive, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 133-178.

Hare, D. R. and Babiak, P. (2006) Snakes in Suits: When Psychopaths Go to Work, New York, HarperCollins.

Categories
Journalism Opinion

Advances in Social Justice Can Only be Achieved Through Research that Challenges the Status Quo

According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (n.d.), psychological violence includes “isolation from others, verbal aggression, threats, intimidation, control, harassment […] insults, humiliation and defamation”. This essay discusses how challenging the status quo is key to advancing global development and peace by extrapolating research conducted by Oates, Edgar and Edgar, and Custance (2012); to recent world events. “Forensic psychologists […] are well placed to challenge inappropriate policies and practices” (Towl and Crighton, 2015, p. 9). 

The idea that  psychology could be used to design better systems is not new (Edgar and Edgar, 2012). Many people choose to ignore the deep side of policy, and instead attend to more superficial aspects, why is that? This type of selective attention is considered to be a form of bias (Seguin, 2016). Research conducted by psychologists in the 1950s and 1960s as explored by Edgar and Edgar (2012), gave light to how difficult it can be for the human mind to attend to several stimuli simultaneously. This might explain why individuals choose to overlook complex signals such as “injustice”, especially since the definition of “justice” is socially constructed (Faulkner, 2015). The meaning people extract from media stories influences the importance they attribute to such events; and this is shaped by their expectations, political memory filters, and cognitive styles (Edgar and Edgar, 2012; Değirmenci and Kaya, 2018).  For instance, although media coverage of Brexit gained full attention from the UK public, it generated confusion at the status quo level; eliciting confounding variables such as division, conscious racial prejudice, and ideologically driven violence (OHCHR, 2018). It can be said that such unpredictable uncertainty hit the nervous system of the UK (Mohdin, 2019; Bailey and Budd, 2019; Ishkanian, 2019), causing interference and overwhelming the collective capacity to process the magnitude of the situation at hand. 

The two-process theories of attention describe: (1) controlled attention as being conscious; and (2) automatic processing as being subconscious (Edgar and Edgar, 2012). Allocating cognitive resources to select what to attend to functions in a similar way to economies, where governments must select and prioritise meaningful aspects that need attending to. For instance,  there are problems that do not make it to the priority list in governmental debates, and what is considered a priority is always at the discretion of the legislature (GOV.UK, n.d.a). It is often the resulting circumstances that speak about whether the allocation of resources was appropriate. Broadbent’s (1958) model as explained by Edgar and Edgar (2012) highlighted how information is absorbed and filtered through the limited capacity channel after the senses discriminate inputs based on the stimuli’s physical properties or meaning; and how the mind can become overwhelmed with too much data. This resembles the information processing system of the state apparatus.  Some stories get magnified by the media, and others become peripherally encoded (Smith et al., 2018). This has been criticised by human rights defenders (Maier, 2019) as it is clear that media content and representation, as well as spoken words have an effect on societal behaviour (Edgar and Edgar, 2012; Kennedy, 2007), and  the audience can either allocate attention to the local media,  the global media, or both (Beck, 2018).  “Words have consequences, and ill words that go unchallenged, are the first step on a continuum towards ill deeds” (Theresa May gives speech on the state of politics, 2019). 

Bandura et al. (1963) cited in Oates (2012) demonstrated through the famous Bobo doll studies how exposure to violence can lead to aggressive behaviours. Several aspects of social learning (observing and copying other people’s behaviour) were explored, among which were: (1) the replication of violent behaviour  (imitative aggression); and (2) the selective replication of specific forms of behaviour (partial imitative responses) (Oates, 2012). In light of such evidence,  more researchers have added that overexposure to media violence also elicits social disinhibition and desensatisation (Oates, 2012; Marris and Thornham, 2000); increasing tolerance towards aggressive conceptual systems, attitudes, and predispositions.  Milgram (1960; 1963; 1965) explored the psychology of destructive obedience in everyday life  and Adorno et al. (1950) explored the role of authoritarian prejudice in society. Almost 70 years later, such retrogressive manifestations are resurfacing and permeating the status quo. 

For example, The Guardian has been reporting the topic of xenophobia in the UK, which has two convergent strands of continuity. On one hand, more people are exhibiting antisemitic attitudes similar to WWII (Mason, 2019), and on the other hand more whistleblowers are handing in evidence to The Equality and Human Rights Commission about such insular attitudes (Stewart and Jacobson, 2019). Moreover, with the proliferation of social media, monitoring online activity (Oates, 2012)  and ideologies (Paul and Dredze, 2017) is easy. Allington (2018, pp. 130-135) posited how a new subculture of antisemitic nationalism is growing through Facebook groups in the UK where comments such as: “Hitler had a valid argument against some Jews” are being disseminated.  This all goes hand in hand with Bandura et al.’s theories of social learning and imitation, which posit that exposure to aggressive or emotionally intense role models does influence the extent to which maladaptive behaviour is replicated (Oates, 2012). A good question to ask is: Are there any current world leaders exhibiting prejudice, and promoting psychological violence through their verbal behaviours? The cycle of enquiry is eternal (Pike, 2017). 

Harlow’s (1960) approach to understanding mother-infant attachment was unethical. He also verbally admitted to hating animals, using them, and feeling nothing towards them as shown by Slater (2004) cited in (Custance, 2012, p. 212). Many baby monkeys were intentionally psychophysiologically tortured for two decades in the laboratory for research purposes (Custance, 2012). Nowadays, this type of profile would be classed as sadistic, psychopathic (Moul et al., 2012; Pemment, 2013) and/or machiavellian (Czibor et al, 2017). Nevertheless, he (Harlow, 1960) found that attachment in rhesus macaques was based on emotional warmth, and proposed that humans bond similarly, ratifying Bowlby’s claims which had been informing UNCRC (1959) policy. These and more ethological findings were extended to human psychology through experiments. Custance (2012), building on Ainsworth’s work illustrated the immediate and long-term distress children experience when separated from their parents. She also heavily criticised Harlow’s methods and attitudes, explaining that subjecting animals to such conditions would now be illegal. Based on the UK’s Animal Welfare Act 2006 (c.45), owners of domesticated animals have a duty of care when it comes to providing a suitable environment and diet for their pets;  ensuring wellbeing and welfare; and providing protection from pain, injury, suffering and disease, especially when it can be prevented  (GOV.UK, n.d.). 

 Harlow experimented on monkeys because psychologically harming humans was illegal in the 1960s (Custance, 2012). Furthermore, It is now recognised that human rights are crucial to the advancement of psychology, and vice versa (Söderström, 2019).  Nonetheless, migrants and asylum seekers in the UK have been facing a psychologically violent (ILPA, 2016) reality; being made susceptible to pain, injury, suffering, disease and long-term mental distress due to legislative measures such as the Immigration Acts 2014 (c.22) and 2016 (c.19). These hostile environment policies were a legal reflection of socio-psychological violence with concomitant schadenfreude, and targeted discrimination (Webber, 2019; Williams, 2019). This was initially designed with the intention of thwarting and precluding asylum seekers’ desire to remain in the jurisdiction through enforced discomfort and destitution (Global Justice Now, 2018). Although the policies have recently been adapted and improved to include free healthcare for all (GOV.UK, 2019), some services are still being (unlawfully) denied to migrants by British individuals (EHRC, 2018): From welfare, to security, and the enjoyment of human rights (Webber, 2019). Therefore, it can be argued that domesticated animals have a better quality of life than asylum seekers; resulting in an environmentally degraded, and disadvantaged subculture (Oyserman, 2017). Consequently, UN Special Rapporteur, Professor Tendayi Achiume rigorously challenged the UK for its incongruency with the Equality Act 2010 (c.15; OHCHR, 2018). 

All of the above studied phenomena can be further extrapolated and triangulated to analyse the recent media scandal from the US which has received global attention (Kabaservice, 2019)  due to border enforcement agents allegedly separating migrant children from their parents, detaining them in slavish conditions at El Paso; whilst also denying them “trauma support […] clean water […] nutritious food”; and engaging in indignities such as forcing women to drink water from toilets (House Hearing Featuring AOC on Child Separation and Detainment, 2019). A congresswoman described the situation as a “manufactured crisis”, and many consider these measures to be “unnecessary” and “callous”.  Parental deprivation for a prolonged period of time can cause great harm (Custance, 2012); and the violation of human rights (UDHR, 1948; ECHR, 1950), and of the rights of the child (UNCRC, 1989) does too. This situation, by definition, is a form of state-sponsored psychological violence. Either challenging or complying with such moral crimes is at the discretion of every person’s free will (Milgram, 1963; 1965) and serves as a reference to understand the impact that policy has on individual lives, and the importance of making informed decisions. 

To summarise, challenging the status quo is crucial to advancing global development (Williams, 2019), and to understanding how current world events impact on individual and social lives. The media and the attention given to it play a crucial role in socio-behavioural dynamics, whilst also shaping personal and collective attitudes. This is why psychology must iteratively scrutinise what is already established to comprehend the consequences that arise out of public policy.

References

Adorno, T.W., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D.J. and Sanford, R.N. (1950) The Authoritarian Personality, New York, Harper.

Ainsworth, M. S. (1979) ‘Infant–mother attachment’, American Psychologist  34(10), pp. 932–937 [Online]. Available at http://libezproxy.open.ac.uk/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=pdh&AN=1980-09337-001&site=ehost-live&scope=site (Accessed 9 May 2019).

Allington, D. (2018) ‘Hitler had a valid argument against some Jews’: Repertoires for the denial of antisemitism in Facebook discussion of a survey of attitudes to Jews and Israel’, Discourse, Context & Media. Elsevier Ltd, 24, pp. 129–136 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_sciversesciencedirect_elsevierS2211-6958(17)30288-X (Accessed 6 July 2018). 

Animal Welfare Act 2006 (c.45) [Online]. Available at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2006/45/contents (Accessed 15 July 2019).  

Bailey, D. and Budd, L. (2019) ‘Brexit and beyond: a Pandora’s Box?’ Informa UK Limited. Contemporary Social Science, 14(2) pp. 157–173 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/h21g24/44OPN_EPR_DS62240 (Accessed 6 July 2019). 

Beck, M. R. et al. (2018) ‘Attending Globally or Locally: Incidental Learning of Optimal Visual Attention Allocation’, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition. American Psychological Association, 44(3), pp. 387–398 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_apa_articles10.1037/xlm0000428 (Accessed 17 July 2019). 

Council of Europe, European Convention on Human Rights, as amended by Protocols Nos. 11 and 14, ECHR, (4 November 1950) [Online]. Available at https://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Convention_ENG.pdf  (Accessed 15 July 2019).  

Custance, D. (2012) ‘Determined to love?’, in Brace, N. and Byford, J. (eds) Investigating Psychology, Oxford, Oxford University Press/Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 193-230. 

Czibor et al. (2017) ‘Male and female face of Machiavellianism: Opportunism or anxiety?’, Personality and Individual Differences. Elsevier Ltd, 117, pp. 221–229 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_sciversesciencedirect_elsevierS0191-8869(17)30390-2 (Accessed 11 July 2019). 

Davis, B.A., Laurence, J.A. and Williams, D.R. (2019) ‘Racism and Health: Evidence and Needed Research’, Annual Review of Public Health. Cape town: University of Cape Town,  40(1), pp. 105–125 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_annual_reviews10.1146/annurev-publhealth-040218-043750 (Accessed 29 June 2019).

Değirmenci, N. and Kaya, B. (2018) ‘Politics, Media and Power: Relationships within the Frameworks of Political Memory’, Styles of Communication, University of Bucharest Publishing House, 10(2), pp. 9–27. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_doaj_soai_doaj_org_article_6b33f0987f654e67bfb5ef5521df958a (Accessed 14 July 2019). 

Edgar, H. and Edgar, G. (2012) ‘Paying Attention’, in Brace, N. and Byford, J. (eds) Investigating Psychology, Oxford, Oxford University Press/Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 325-359.

Equality Act 2010 (c.15) [Online]. Available at https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2010/15/contents (Accessed 15 July 2019).  

Equality and Human Rights Commission (2018) Asylum seekers in Britain unable to access healthcare [Online]. Available at https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/en/our-work/news/asylum-seekers-britain-unable-access-healthcare (Accessed 18 July 2019). 

European Institute for Gender Equality (n.d.) Psychological violence [Online]. Available at https://eige.europa.eu/thesaurus/terms/1334 (Accessed 15 July 2019). 

Faulkner, D. (2015) ‘The Justice System in England and Wales: A Case Study’, in Towl, G.J. and Crighton, D.A., Forensic Psychology, 2nd edn,  Oxford, John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., pp. 17-31 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_pq_ebook_centralEBC1986937 (Accessed 19 July 2019).  

Global Justice Now (2018) The hostile environment for migrants [Online]. Available at https://www.globaljustice.org.uk/resources/hostile-environment-immigrants (Accessed 18 July 2019). 

Government of the United Kingdom (2019) NHS entitlement: migrant health guide [Online]. Available at https://www.gov.uk/guidance/nhs-entitlements-migrant-health-guide (Accessed 20 July 2019). 

Government of the United Kingdom (n.d.) Animal Welfare [Online]. Available at https://www.gov.uk/guidance/animal-welfare#legislation (Accessed 15 July 2019). 

Government of the United Kingdom (n.d.a) How government works [Online]. Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/how-government-works (Accessed 19 July 2019). 

Harlow, H. (1960) ‘Primary affectional patterns in primates.’, The American journal of orthopsychiatry. Washington D.C., American Psychological Association, 30, pp. 676–684 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=TN_scopus2-s2.0-0002661226&context=PC&vid=44OPN_VU1&search_scope=EVERYTHING&tab=default_tab&lang=en_US (Accessed 1 May 2019). 

Harvey, A. (2016). ‘The Immigration Act 2016’, Immigration Law Practitioners’ Association (ILPA) [Online]. Available at https://www.ilpa.org.uk/data/resources/32676/16.11.13-Immigration-Act-2016-seminar-for-Lawworks.pdf (Accessed 15 July 2019). 

House Hearing Featuring AOC on Child Separation and Detainment (2019) Youtube video, added by NowThis News [Online]. Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PvCZ8oMOdTs (Accessed 14 July 2019).  

Immigration Act 2014 (c.22) [Online]. Available at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/22/contents/enacted (Accessed 15 July 2019). 

Immigration Act 2016 (c.19) [Online]. Available at http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2016/19/contents/enacted (Accessed 15 July 2019). 

Ishkanian, A. (2019) ‘Social Movements, Brexit and Social Policy’, Social Policy and Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 18(1), pp. 147–159 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_proquest2161096825 (Accessed 2 July 2019). 

Kabaservice, G.  (2019) ‘Trump and progressive Democrats want the same thing- and Pelosi is in the way’, The Guardian, 18 July [Online] Available at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jul/18/trump-the-squad-aoc-omar-pressley-tlaib-pelosi-democrats  (Accessed 18 July 2019). 

Kennedy, B.M. (2007) ‘THINKING ONTOLOGIES OF THE MIND/BODY RELATIONAL’, in Bell, D. and Kennedy, B.M. (eds), The Cybercultures Reader, 2nd edn, Oxon, Routledge, pp. 777-780. 

Maier, S. R. R. (2019) ‘News coverage of human rights: Investigating determinants of media attention’, Journalism, SAGE Publications Ltd, pp. 3-17 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_scopus2-s2.0-85062681363 (Accessed 17 July 2019). 

Marris, P. and Thornham, S. (2000) ‘SECTION 4 RECEPTION, (I) FROM ‘EFFECTS’ TO ‘USES’ INTRODUCTION, Media Studies: A Reader, 2ns edn, New York, New York University Press, pp. 421-424. 

Mason, R.  (2019) ‘Swastika painted on buildings of Jewish Brexit party candidate’, The Guardian, 8 May [Online] Available at https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/may/08/swastika-painted-on-building-of-jewish-brexit-party-candidate   (Accessed 13 July 2019). 

Milgram, S. (1960). Sketch for a Study of Obedience’, in  Stanley Milgram Personal Papers, Yale University [Online]. Available at https://search-alexanderstreet-com.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Cbibliographic_details%7C2089469 (Accessed 13 July 2019). 

Milgram, S. (1963). ‘Behavioral Study of Obedience’, in Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, pp. 371-372 [Online]. Available at: https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Cdocument%7C2082052 (Accessed 2 April, 2019)

Milgram, S. (1965). ‘Some Conditions of Obedience and Disobedience to Authority’, in Human Relations, vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 57-76 [Online]. Available at: https://search-alexanderstreet-com.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Cbibliographic_details%7C2082063#page/1/mode/1/chapter/bibliographic_entity|bibliographic_details|2082063 (Accessed 2 April, 2019)

Mohdin, A. (2019). ‘Ex-M16 chief: UK going through “political nervous breakdown”’, The Guardian, 6 July [Online]. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/jul/06/ex-mi6-chief-uk-going-through-political-nervous-breakdown (Accessed 6 July 2019) 

Moul, C., Killcross, S. and Dadds, M. R. (2012) ‘A Model of Differential Amygdala Activation in Psychopathy’, Psychological Review. AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, 119(4), pp. 789–806 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_wos000309899500006 (Accessed 11 July 2019). 

Oates, J, (2012) ‘Learning from Watching’, in Brace, N. and Byford, J. (eds) Investigating Psychology, Oxford, Oxford University Press/Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 103-137. 

Oyserman, D. (2017) ‘Culture Three Ways: Culture and Subcultures Within Countries’, Annual Review of Psychology, 68(1), pp. 435–463 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_annual_reviews10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033617 (Accessed 30 June 2019). 

Paul, M. J. and Dredze, M. (2017) Social monitoring for public health [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/h21g24/44OPN_ALMA_DS51115216820002316 (Accessed 2 July 2019). 

Pemment, J. (2013) ‘The neurobiology of antisocial personality disorder: The quest for rehabilitation and treatment’, Aggression and Violent Behavior. Elsevier Ltd, 18(1), pp. 79–82 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_sciversesciencedirect_elsevierS1359-1789(12)00112-7 (Accessed 11 July 2019).

Pike, G. (2017) ‘Drawing inferences’ in McAvoy, J. and Brace, N. (eds), Investigating Methods, Milton Keynes, The Open University, pp. 308-346.

Seguin, C. (2016) ‘Cascades of Coverage: Dynamics of Media Attention to Social Movement Organizations’, Social Forces, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 94(3), pp. 997–1020 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_oxford10.1093/sf/sov085 (Accessed 17 July 2019). 

Smith, H.M.J., Ryder H. and Flowe H.D., 2018, ‘Eyewitness Evidence’, in Davies, G.M. and Beech, A.R. (eds), Forensic Psychology: Crime, Justice, Law, Interventions, John Wiley & Sons Ltd, pp. 175-192. 

Söderström, K. et al. (2019) ‘Human Rights Matter to Psychology – Psychology Matters to Human Rights’, European Psychologist, Hogrefe Publishing, 24(2), pp. 99–101 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_apa_articles10.1027/1016-9040/a000365 (Accessed 16 July 2019). 

Stewart, H. and Jacobson, S.  (2019) ‘Equality body contacts 100 Labour figures in antisemitism inquiry’, The Guardian, 12 July [Online] Available at https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/jul/12/jennie-formby-hits-back-tom-watson-in-labour-antisemitism-row-corbyn  (Accessed 13 July 2019). 

Theresa May gives speech on the state of politics (2019), Youtube video, added by Guardian News [Online]. Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=3574&v=PFvdVw8LpHg (Accessed 17 July 2019). 

Towl, G.J. and Crighton, D.A. (2015) ‘Introduction’, Forensic Psychology, 2nd edn,  Oxford, John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., pp. 1-13 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_pq_ebook_centralEBC1986937 (Accessed 19 July 2019). 

United Nations, General Assembly, UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, A/RES/44/25 (20 November 1989) [Online]. Available at https://downloads.unicef.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2010/05/UNCRC_united_nations_convention_on_the_rights_of_the_child.pdf (Accessed 15 July 2019). 

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United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (2018) End of Mission Statement of the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance at the Conclusion of Her Mission to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland [Online]. Available at https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23073&LangID=E (Accessed 2 July 2019). 

Webber, F. (2019) ‘On the creation of the UK’s ‘hostile environment’’, Race & Class. London, England: SAGE Publications, 60(4), pp. 76–87 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_sage_s10_1177_0306396819825788 (Accessed 1 July 2019). 

Williams, M. T. (2019) ‘Adverse racial climates in academia: Conceptualization, interventions, and call to action’, New Ideas in Psychology. Elsevier Ltd, 55, pp. 58–67 [Online]. Available at https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/gvehrt/TN_sciversesciencedirect_elsevierS0732-118X(18)30024-2 (Accessed 29 June 2019). 

Categories
Journalism

101: Death of David Rockerfeller, Economics & Poverty

David Rockerfeller, the father of modern economics and consumer society (also known in the underground community as “the king of the New World Order”), expired on Monday 20/03/2017 whilst he slept, aged 101, as a result of congestive heart failure.

There are two sides to every coin, and Mr. Rockerfeller was no exception. When it comes to figures of great power, such as the members of this family; information tends to vary. This article aims to explore the different sides to David Rockerfeller in a neutral way, so the reader can make their own opinion based on facts, rather than hearsay.  

All links can be found in the “references” section.

 

BACKGROUND

He graduated at Harvard in 1936, before going to the London School of Economics, where he properly met John F. Kennedy.  He later returned to the US and received a Ph.D from the University of Chicago. Soon after that, he worked for eighteen months as the secretary to the New York major of the time, on “a dollar a year” public service salary.

He also served in the army during World War II, after which he started his successful career at Chase Bank in 1946 as an assistant manager, until he retired in 1981 as chief executive and chairman. During the time he was alive, he was highly influential, respected by the most powerful authority figures of the world (both, political and religious); and successfully became the oldest billionaire alive.

Mr. Rockerfeller accumulated great wealth from a young age, influenced by his mother, who helped him see what made any business work. He was seen as the guardian of the family’s fortune and he taught his children that wealth brings great responsibilities. [References]

 

YIN – “The Dark Legacy”

Mr. Rockerfeller was a figure of nobility, seen as the unspoken king of the “one world order”. Even though he was publicly involved with the global market, and the social change stemming from such; it is also believed that he had a dark side which he was extremely circumspect about. Anonymous News reports: “he was largely successful in hiding his most significant wrongdoings from public view… lived his entire life in the echelons of U.S. society, becoming symbolic of the elite who often direct public policy to a much greater extent than many realize, albeit often from the shadows”. [References]

In other words, he had much more influence over international politics than he admitted to. Some believe this is a result of his inherited, multi-generational, family power, position, and wealth. He had personal ties with members of the Central Intelligence Agency, and some even claim that he was directly involved with the second world war. The Israelite national press reported in 2010: “Sweden’s Center Party has promised to take action following the discovery that one of its candidates for Parliament [Ove Sviden] blames Jews and US magnate David Rockefeller for the second World War as well as the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States”. [References]

Moreover, he is blamed for specific dark traits that entered society, the market, and culture in general.During his time as Chase CEO, Rockefeller helped laid the foundation for repressive, racist and fascist regimes around the world, as well as architecture for global inequality”. He was also judged for the trades he attempted to consolidate during the cold war”. [References]

 

YANG – “The Light Legacy”

Rockerfeller was celebrated by many as a passionate art collector, a globalist, and a philanthropist. He was admired by A listers in the celebrity community and by political figures. “Many organizations have been promised vast sums of money upon Rockefeller’s death”. The Family Fund has sponsored many programs, among which are the Marshall Project, Free Press, and Free Speech for People. [References]

David Rockerfeller pledged $100 million to the Museum of Modern Art, $100 million to the Rockerfeller University, and $100 to Harvard. Furthermore, on his 100th birthday, he donated 1000 acres of land. In total, it is estimated that he gave away over two billions during his lifetime.

He is credited with the project that led to world trade center. David Rockefeller wielded power and influence without ever seeking public office. Among his many accomplishments were spurring the project that led to the World Trade Center”. [References]

 

THE LINK BETWEEN THE ECONOMY & POVERTY

When it comes to economy, one controversy stands: the platform of transparency that is expected of leading governments of the world has been tainted by the different crimes committed in the name of the oil industry. David Rockerfeller was a corporate master, and a pioneer. “He is part of a family dynasty whose name is associated with America and has become legend. His grandfather John D Rockefeller who died in 1937 was the founder of Standard Oil and the world’s richest individual.” [References]

First-world governments are worth trillions, and some spend over $500 billion (USD) per year in military alone . One question arises: Why is there poverty in a world where the bodies acting in people’s behalves (authorities, politicians, royalty) are given huge amounts of money from taxation to solve these things? But talking about world poverty… How much is it really needed to end global poverty? The Borgen Magazine reported in 2014: “According to a 1998 United Nations estimate, providing education, water, sanitation, nutrition and basic health care to the entire population of every developing country would cost $40 billion. Adjusted for inflation, the cost to end global poverty would be approximately $58 billion today”. Nevertheless, many believe that by 2017, the price is a lot higher than that. David Rockerfeller left a net worth of $3.3 billion. So he alone could not have eradicated poverty. [References]

Why are private, independent charities known to help more effectively than the people we have chosen as leaders? Questioning the system is essential if we want to truly understand the roots of inequality occurring in consumer society. Forbes stated on the matter: We just don’t count the money that alleviates poverty as actually reducing poverty. That’s it, really: spend vast sums but pretend that it has no effect… $550 billion is indeed spent on the poor so therefore there shouldn’t be any poverty.” [References]

 

FUN FACTS FOR INQUISITIVE MINDS

  • David Rockerfeller actually admitted to the conspiracy of the “One World Order” to being true in his autobiography. Although strangely, this information got heavily censored online and some links can only be viewed through the Web Archive.[References]
  • Wikileaks has 945 documents published in their archives about David Rockerfeller. [References]
  • He refused several political positions that were offered to him during his life, such as the United States Secretary of The Treasury role. [References]
  • His eldest son, David Rockerfeller Jr. is mentioned in the podesta series of Wikileaks. Moreover, Wikipedia is flagging his page as “to be deleted”. [References]

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REFERENCES

  1. [~BBC News: US Billionaire Philanthropist D. Rockerfeller Dies at 101]
  2. [~Anonews: The Real Story of David Rockerfeller]
  3. [~Fox Business: Billionaire Banker, Philanthropist]
  4. [~Anonews: Rockefeller Says Conspiracy About ‘One World Order’ is True]
  5. [~Wikipedia: David Rockerfeller]
  6. [~Rockerfeller Family Fund: Programs]
  7. [~Worlds Truth: The True Legacy of D. Rockerfeller]
  8. [~WKBN 27: Guardian of Rockerfeller Fortune]
  9. [~Wikileaks: Syria Files, “17 May Worldwide Media Report”]
  10. [~Fox News: David Rockerfeller]
  11. [~Cambridge Dictionary: Philanthropist]
  12. [~Oil Change International: The Price of Oil Corruption]
  13. [~Forbes: How Can There be Poverty in the US?]
  14. [~Wikileaks Archives: David Rockerfeller Documents]
  15. [~Web Archive: D.R. Says Conspiracy About ‘One World Order” is True]
  16. [~Borgen Magazine: How Much Money Would End Global Poverty?]
  17. [~Amazon Books: The End of Poverty, by Jeffrey Sachs]
  18. [~Wikiquotes: David Rockerfeller]
  19. [~Infowars: Globalist David Rockerfeller Dead at 101]
  20. [~Wikileaks: Podesta e-mails, “FW: More on the 17th”]